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Thailand’s LNG imports fall in April

  • Spanish Market: Natural gas
  • 09/06/25

Thailand imported 917,000t of LNG in April, down by 34pc from the previous month but up by 24pc on the year, according to GTT data.

  • Australia lost its spot as the top LNG exporter to Thailand in April, with shipments falling by 86pc from the previous month.
  • Brunei took over as largest LNG exporter to Thailand, after not exporting any LNG to the country since June 2024.
  • Qatari and Malaysian exports to Thailand fell by 73pc and 60pc respectively from March.
  • LNG exports from Nigeria, Oman and the US all rose considerably, but this was not enough to prevent the overall drop in volumes.
  • Some new sources of LNG including from Singapore, Equatorial Guinea, Brunei and Papua New Guinea, similarly failed to prevent the drop in LNG import volumes in April.

Thailand's LNG imports000t
CountryApril 2025March 2025
LNG
Brunei203.20
Malaysia128.2323.4
Qatar90.4335.9
US8055.8
Australia74.4535.1
Oman7363.6
Nigeria70.964.2
Equatorial Guinea69.70
Papua New Guinea67.10
Singapore60.10

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12/06/25

Malaysia’s oil, gas projects to emit 4bn t GHG: CREA

Malaysia’s oil, gas projects to emit 4bn t GHG: CREA

Singapore, 12 June (Argus) — Malaysia's continued extraction and use of its oil and gas resources could emit around 4bn t of greenhouse gases (GHGs), according to a report by the Helsinki-based Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA). Malaysia holds about 9.84bn bl of oil equivalent (boe) in committed fossil fuel reserves, of which 82pc is gas, stated the report, which was written in collaboration with environmental think-tank RimbaWatch. This figure only includes projects with proven reserves that are covered by a production commitment such as production sharing contracts. These committed reserves would also emit an estimated 4.15bn t of CO2 equivalent (CO2e), which is equivalent to 13 years of Malaysia's annual emissions. The emissions will also consist of 10.9mn t of methane, which is a much more potent GHG than CO2. Malaysia's remaining commercially recoverable reserves are estimated at over 17bn boe over more than 400 fields, with gas comprising about 75pc of this. Malaysia launched its national energy transition roadmap (NETR) in 2023, detailing initiatives to achieve its 2050 net zero carbon emissions target, such as renewable energy development, hydrogen and carbon capture, utilisation and storage (CCUS). The country aims to reduce its economy-wide carbon emissions by 45pc in 2030 compared with 2005 levels, under its nationally determined contribution — climate plan — to meet the goal of the Paris Agreement. But at the same time, the country is seeking to maximise its fossil fuel production to ensure energy security. State-owned Petronas raised its total oil and gas production in 2024 to 2.4mn b/d of oil equivalent (boe/d), up by 1pc on the year. Of this, oil production fell by 4.4pc on the year to 813,000 boe/d, while gas output rose by 3.6pc to 1.64mn boe/d. More than 80pc of Malaysia's power was generated from fossil fuels in 2024. The NETR plans to increase the share of gas in total primary energy supply by 16pc from 2023 to 57pc in 2050, with gas viewed as a transition fuel for decarbonisation. But "referring to gas as sustainable, and claiming that Malaysia can achieve net-zero emissions through growing gas, are oxymorons," stated the report. Petronas' Scope 1 and 2 greenhouse gas emissions totalled 46.04mn t of CO2e across its Malaysian operations in 2024, surpassing its target of 49.5mn t of CO2e for the year. In comparison, the firm recorded 45.6mn t of Scope 1 and 2 GHG emissions in 2023. But the firm's net zero pathway excludes its Scope 3 emissions, which make up about 80pc of a fossil fuel entity's emissions, according to the report. Additionally, its CCUS plans are aimed at enabling sour gas extraction, hence exacerbating fossil fuel production and emissions. Malaysia should instead set a sectoral carbon budget for the domestic energy sector in line with its net zero goals, taking into account both production and consumption, and cement this budget in the country's upcoming Climate Change bill, stated the report. By Prethika Nair Send comments and request more information at [email protected] Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Japan’s Jera signs LNG supply agreements with the US


12/06/25
12/06/25

Japan’s Jera signs LNG supply agreements with the US

Singapore, 12 June (Argus) — Japanese power producer Jera has signed multiple long-term LNG supply agreements with US partners over the past two months, to procure up to 5.5mn t/yr of LNG supply from the US over 20 years, the firm announced on 12 June. The agreements include a 2mn t/yr sales and purchase agreement (SPA) with US LNG firm NextDecade on 28 April, and a 1mn t/yr SPA with US developer Commonwealth LNG on 30 May. Jera has also signed non-binding interim agreements with Sempra Infrastructure — a subsidiary of US energy firm Sempra — for 1.5mn t/yr on 29 May, and with developer Cheniere for 1mn t/yr on 11 June. The deals offer competitive pricing and flexible contract terms. All supply will be delivered on a fob basis priced to the US' Henry Hub, allowing Jera to optimise shipping routes and respond flexibly to domestic demand and market conditions, the company said. If the four deals are considered as a single package of 5.5mn t/yr of supply, it is Jera's largest contract to date, senior managing executive officer Ryosuke Tsugaru said. The new agreements add to Jera's existing offtake contracts with the US, which include a combined 3.5mn t/yr of LNG from Texas' Freeport LNG and Louisiana's Cameron LNG, and approximately 1mn t/yr of LNG from developer Venture Global's CP2 project in Louisiana. US supplies could account for 30pc of Jera's long-term LNG portfolio in 2035, up from 10pc at present, a Jera spokesman told Argus . But Jera does not intend to increase its planned LNG handling volume of no less than 35mn t/yr up to the April 2035-March 2036 fiscal year, as some of its existing contracts are set expired in the middle of the 2030-31 fiscal year, Tsugaru said. The potential increase in Japan's US LNG procurement should help reduce the US' trade deficit with Japan, which could aid Tokyo's negotiations over import tariffs with the US administration. But Jera emphasised that neither Tokyo or Washington had requested or pressured it to sign the new supply contracts. The deals were Jera's decision to ensure stable supplies to Japan, Jera said. The Japanese government could use the US' proposed 20mn t/yr Alaska LNG export project as part of its tariff negotiations, as Alaska's proximity to Japan and its ample resources make it a promising import source for the east Asian country. Jera is waiting for more details to be announced about the project before it makes a decision on whether to step into an offtake deal, Tsugaru said. Jera dose not plan to invest in the development of the project, he added. Japan's LNG imports from the US rose by 15pc on the year to 6.34mn t in 2024. By Motoko Hasegawa and Joey Chan Send comments and request more information at [email protected] Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

EQT signs 10-year gas deals with Duke, Southern


11/06/25
11/06/25

EQT signs 10-year gas deals with Duke, Southern

New York, 11 June (Argus) — US natural gas producer EQT has signed 10-year firm supply deals with US utilities Duke Energy and Southern Company for a combined 1.2 Bcf/d of gas beginning in 2027. EQT previously disclosed it struck deals to sell 800mn cf/d and 400mn cf/d of gas to "investment-grade utilities" in the southeastern US, but it has not disclosed the buyers. Those previously unnamed utilities are North Carolina-based Duke, which has contracted for 800mn cf/d from EQT, and Georgia-based Southern, which has contracted for 400mn cf/d, according to people with knowledge of the matter. EQT declined to comment for this story. Duke and Southern did not immediately respond to requests for comment. The deals represent about 20pc of EQT's production and allow EQT to take advantage of contracted capacity it holds on Mountain Valley Pipeline, which ferries gas from West Virginia to Virginia. EQT, the second-largest US gas producer by volume, has been the owner of Mountain Valley Pipeline since acquiring its previous owner Equitrans Midstream in July 2024. The gas supply deals are "two of the largest long-term physical supply deals ever executed in the North American natural gas market," EQT chief executive Toby Rice said in October 2023. The deals also underpin EQT's broader strategy of trying to sell more gas directly to large end users, including utilities, LNG export terminals and data centers, instead of selling into the volatile US spot gas market with the use of financial hedges. The deals also give EQT more exposure to pricing hubs in the southeastern US, where gas trades at a premium to gas sold within the Appalachian production region, where EQT operates. For Duke and Southern, the long-term agreements guarantee available gas supply as the utilities convert coal-fired power generation facilities to gas-fired generators while scrambling to meet surging power demand from planned data centers running artificial intelligence software. Those drivers of gas demand are also behind US pipeline companies Williams, Kinder Morgan and Boardwalk Pipeline Partners trying to build out more gas transportation capacity into the southeast, FactSet manager of natural gas research Connor McLean told Argus . Duke Energy plans to add 5GW of new gas-fired power generation through 2029 across its territory, the company said earlier this month. Duke Energy Carolinas and Southern Company hold most of the contracted capacity on Williams' planned 1.6 Bcf/d Southeast Supply Enhancement expansion of its Transcontinental (Transco) pipeline, which is expected to enter service in the fourth quarter of 2027, US Federal Energy Regulatory Commission filings show. That expansion project will make available new gas transportation capacity from the terminus of the Mountain Valley Pipeline in Virginia to end markets in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama. Duke Energy Carolinas, whose service territory includes North Carolina and South Carolina, holds 1 Bcf/d of contracted capacity on Southeast Supply Enhancement. Southern Company, whose service territory includes Georgia and Alabama, holds 400mn cf/d. By selling into those regions, EQT will be taking 1.2 Bcf/d of gas it was previously selling into the comparatively low-priced Tetco M-2 market and selling it instead into the higher priced Transco zone 4 and 5 South markets. The spot price for gas in the Transco zone 5 South region — which covers gas downstream from compressor station 165 near the terminus of Mountain Valley Pipeline in Virginia to the Georgia-South Carolina border — in 2024 averaged $2.69/mmBtu, and the Transco zone 4 index — spanning Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi — averaged $2.41/mmBtu. The Tetco M-2 receipts index over the period averaged $1.67/mmBtu. The supply deals with Duke and Southern are "the main driver" behind EQT's anticipated corporate gas price differential — or the average price at which it sells its gas relative to the US benchmark price — tightening to around 30¢/mmBtu in 2028 from an anticipated 60¢/mmBtu this year, EQT's Rice said in April. EQT is also in talks with a dozen proposed power projects in the Appalachian production region, he said. By Julian Hast Send comments and request more information at [email protected] Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Trump brings momentum and uncertainty to US LNG


11/06/25
11/06/25

Trump brings momentum and uncertainty to US LNG

The current administration has been quick to roll out export licences, but the steel tariffs might throw a wrench in its plans, writes Tray Swanson London, 11 June (Argus) — US president Donald Trump's administration has swiftly shored up the country's LNG industry, most prominently by doling out export licences to proposed terminals. But while cutting regulatory hurdles signals policy stability and helps projects on the cusp of final investment decisions (FIDs) gain momentum in commercial negotiations, Trump's unwavering commitment to steel tariffs adds a layer of uncertainty for developers looking to spend billions on new projects. Political backing from the new administration and regulatory streamlining helped bring momentum to commercial talks. Since January, US LNG producers have signed or finalised offtake agreements totalling 10.7mn t/yr, including non-binding deals.Five LNG projects received a non-free trade agreement (FTA) permit or permit extension since January, which could make their projects more appealing in commercial talks with banks and potential offtakers. Four of them expect to reach FIDs this year. In February, Trump's Department of Energy (DOE) swiftly ended the Biden administration's year-long pause on issuing licences to export to non-FTA countries. Although the first two new licences were conditional, the DOE issued a final order for Sempra's 13.5mn t/yr Port Arthur phase 2 project on 29 May, shortly after the DOE concluded its 2024 LNG export study that was commissioned by the Biden administration to assess the impact of increased LNG exports on "the public interest". Trump's DOE found that higher exports indeed are in the public interest and hailed "a return to regular order on LNG exports". Alongside Port Arthur, Kimmeridge's 9.5mn t/yr Commonwealth LNG, Delfin's 13.2mn t/yr floating LNG terminal and Venture Global's 28mn t/yr CP2 plant have also received export approvals or extensions and are anticipated to reach FID later this year. Several other legislative measures being discussed in the Republican-dominated Congress seek to eliminate regulatory delays to LNG projects. The so-called "big, beautiful bill" includes an add-on that would automatically grant non-FTA export licences to developers that pay a $1mn fee, considering the payment to be in the public interest. One bill proposed in the Senate seeks to prevent federal courts from vacating permits that are already issued to LNG facilities, a measure that would safeguard projects from the judicial setbacks that NextDecade's Rio Grande LNG and Glenfarne's Texas LNG faced last year. And the House Energy Subcommittee on Energy will soon discuss the 1948 bill, which would eliminate altogether the requirement for DOE authorisation to export LNG, placing sole authority over LNG approvals with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. Steely determination But not all of Trump's policies have found a receptive audience in the LNG sector. His insistence on levying tariffs on steel and aluminium, key building materials for LNG projects, might force companies to adjust their spending plans. Unlike the reciprocal tariffs placed, revoked and still threatened on most countries, Trump has not dithered on the metals tariffs since enacting them in March. Instead, he doubled steel and aluminum duties to 50pc on 4 June — a move that, barring an exemption for industry, threatens to inflate project costs. The US Trade Representative has partly back-tracked on its proposal to require 1pc of US LNG exports be loaded on US-flagged, built and operated ships from 2028 — by shifting the duty to comply from plant operators, which under the original plan faced the threat of having their export licences revoked, to shippers. This came after the industry had criticised the measure for being hard to reconcile with the prevailing fob nature of US LNG contracts. Yet it remains difficult to envisage how even the amended proposal could work in practice. Send comments and request more information at [email protected] Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

Q&A: New Zealand to keep gas focus for energy security


11/06/25
11/06/25

Q&A: New Zealand to keep gas focus for energy security

Singapore, 11 June (Argus) — Argus spoke to New Zealand's resource minister Shane Jones on 10 June about the country's energy policy plans, given that it is currently facing a natural gas shortage. Edited highlights follow: The government indicated in 2024 it will reverse the 2018 ban on new offshore oil and gas exploration. Is there a timeline on the repeal of the ban? Yes, the legislative changes are going through parliament at the moment, and they should be done within 4-6 weeks, maximum. There was a delay because one of the most challenging portions of the reform of the ban was the decommission, and decommissioning requires a balance between liability being borne by the owners of the assets, but the final shape and form of the decommissioning not being so severe that it's a disincentive to do anything. That's good news for investors, because some private firms seem to have lost a bit of confidence in investing in New Zealand. Yeah, it's a sad story, really, because New Zealand, for the last 30 or 40 years has been a very outward focused, open economy. All nations get nervous about protecting sensitive assets, but unfortunately, back home, our climate change rhetoric galloped too far ahead of economic rationalism. So once the ban was introduced, it had a chilling impact upon the investment community in southeast Asia and other such places. So that's why we've established the NZ$200mn fund to take the jagged edges off sovereign risk anxieties, and also to convey that there has genuinely been a 180-degree turn from the ban… It's difficult to see what a government could do that's more emphatic than that. New Zealand's latest proven and probable gas reserve estimates have fallen quite significantly. Has the government has received any official approach from utilities interested in LNG imports? So I've had about 15 meetings today and yesterday, and some of those firms are keen to work with the government and create an import facility to bring gas into the country. We have a port called Taranaki... and there is a very durable set of distribution assets at that port. So there's every prospect that we could, in a relatively short period of time, create an import facility, and the officials are engaged with potential partners. Our government hasn't signed that off, but the government is willing to pass legislation to allocate the necessary statutory permits to enable such a development to be stood up in a short period of time. New Zealand already has over 80pc of its electricity created from clean, green sources. All economies and governments have to ask themselves, how much pain are you willing to endure for the last five or 10pc, and that's not surprisingly where we are. Solar, wind, maybe bioenergy and more geothermal will be welcome, but fossil fuels are essential to keeping the lights on. Unless there is a roadmap or a pathway that is technologically feasible, it is lunacy to jettison fossil fuels. You need to take a long and gradual approach to build up some more clean green energy, but at the same time maintain a contingency that's fossil fuel. On that note, because you say that natural gas is a transition fuel, are you looking at it as a long-term solution or a stopgap solution, and is there a plan for phasing it out eventually? We pride ourselves being a market economy, but there's no point setting arbitrary dates phasing any fuel out if the economy cannot cope with the costs associated with an unplanned transition. All transitions sit upon costs and benefits. If society cannot bear the cost, then they don't believe in the benefits, and the energy adjustment that we're going through at the moment has caused us to go through the 180-degree turn because we do not have the ability to maintain energy security without gas. We are already dependent on Indonesian coal, and we need to respect the fact that we can still maintain an energy system using coal. But there's a clear appetite from the public to move towards gas, yes. Does the government have any plans to incentivise biofuels or biofuel production? Yes, so we are exploring creating an economic zone next to our largest fuel importation port, Marsden Point. We closed down our refinery about three years ago, and we're keen to create an energy precinct around that port to create an ecosystem to attract innovative risk-takers, including bioenergy. New Zealand has a prodigious forestry resource. So the feedstock, the bioenergy, may very well be a forest resource. But once again, the government, while it's promoting it, we only we have limited resources. And some critics have said, why didn't you dedicate the $200mn towards bioenergy? But even if we did it with bioenergy, it doesn't solve the problem in the short term of having a contingency, that's why gas has been pursued. And let's face it, the processes of gas production, gas exploration, gas distribution, are well and truly understood. It's just that investment has declined over the last 10 years, and I come as a politician on behalf of our prime minister and our cabinet, figuratively wearing pom-poms to incentivise inward investment. So how does your vision balance energy security with your climate commitments, especially now that you're looking at oil and gas exploration again? As a country, we are committed to our obligations in the Paris Accord. The three parties that make up our government will go back to the electorate in October 2026 and I suspect that each party will campaign differently on how New Zealand should meet those obligations. The party I belong to, we're a kind of economic nationalist party, and we realise that we're a food-producing nation, and in the Paris accord, there is an exemption for food-producing nations. To date, we have not triggered that exemption, but the footprint of our agricultural sector is very positive in terms of how efficiently we farm. So these are intensely political issues, and we need to get a mandate from our electorate as to what changes there might be in the future as to how we respond practically to Paris Accord obligations. By Prethika Nair Send comments and request more information at [email protected] Copyright © 2025. Argus Media group . All rights reserved.

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